I have been writing about the established narrative in English-language scholarship on premodern Vietnam which sees the Lý and Trần dynasty periods as a time when Confucianism played a limited role at the court.
This narrative argues that a big change, a “watershed,” came during the period of the Ming occupation (1407-1427). In particular, historians have argued that the Ming introduced Neo-Confucian ideas and knowledge about a bureaucratic state, and that this changed the course of Vietnamese history.
I do not see the Ming occupation period that way. Instead, I see evidence of the opposite, of what we could call a “Confucian brain drain.”
Let’s look at the sources and see why I think that way.
On 18 July 1406, the Ming Yongle Emperor ordered an attack on what the Chinese then referred to as Annan/An Nam or Jiaozhi/Giao Chỉ. This attack was led by a group of officers, including (and omitting their titles) Zhu Neng 朱能, Mu Sheng 沐晟, Zhang Fu 張輔, Li Bin 李彬, and Chen Xu 陳旭.
The Veritable Records of the Ming (Ming shilu 明實錄) contains information about the instructions that the emperor gave these men before they set off on their military campaign. Among other things, he stated the following:
毋飬，毋玩寇，毋毀廬墓，毋害稼穡，毋恣妄取貨財，毋掠人妻女，毋殺戮降附者，有一於此，雖有功不宥爾，其慎之。
Do not create disorder; do not toy with the bandits; do not damage houses or graves; do not harm the fields; do not recklessly take goods or valuables; do not carry off men’s wives or daughters; and do not kill those who surrender. If there are any actions of this kind, then even if the persons involved have realized achievements, they will not be pardoned. You must be cautious. [Geoff Wade’s translation]
The Veritable Records of the Ming contains a selection of the total documents that were produced by the emperor (and/or his scribes). There is another text that contains more documents from the first few years of the Ming invasion and occupation of Vietnam.
That text is called the Documents from the Yue Mountains (Yueqiao shu 越嶠書) and it was compiled in 1540 by a scholar from Guangxi, Li Wenfeng 李文鳳. This work contains a document called “Ten Issues Concerning the Attack” (Tao shi shi jian 討事十件) that the Yongle Emperor provide Zhu Neng and the other officers on that same day of 18 July 1406, as they were preparing to launch the military campaign against An Nam. [2/26a]
[2/26a] 一兵入安南，凡其府庫倉廪所儲，及戶口田賦，甲兵籍冊，郡邑圖誌，並令尚書劉儁掌之，爾總其人慨。
一兵入，除釋道經板經文不燬外，一切書板文 [2/26b] 字，以至俚俗童蒙所習，如上大人，丘乙己之類，片紙隻字，悉皆燬之，其境内凡有古昔中國所立碑刻，則存之，但是安南所立者，悉壞之，一字勿存。
一訪問古時銅柱所在，亦便碎之，委之於道，以示國人。
一國中偏行訪問有精細通達，長於謀略及奸詐詭譎之徒，悉以懷才抱道名色盡數舉保送來。
[27a] . . .
一評定之後，令各府州縣原仕官吏輸次赴京朝見。
When the troops enter An Nam, order Minister Liu Jun to take hold of everything stored in government treasuries, granaries, as well as household registration, land tax, and troop rosters, and records and descriptions of commanderies and towns. That person is magnanimous.
When the soldiers enter An Nam, other than sparing Buddhist and Daoist woodblocks and scriptures from burning, all other woodblocks and writings, even the type of “His Excellency, Qiu 2 6” text that ordinary children practice, every piece of paper and word should all be burned. Preserve any inscription in that territory that was erected in the past by the Middle Kingdom, but as for ones erected by An Nam, destroy them all so that not a single word remains.
Inquire where the ancient bronze pillars are and smash them to pieces. Toss the pieces on the road to show the people of the kingdom.
Travel across the kingdom to investigate those who are meticulous and thorough in their understanding, those who excel at strategizing, and those who are cunning and crafty, and recommend all who have the positive characteristics of harboring talent and embracing the [correct] way to be sent here to the capital.
[27a] . . .
After the pacification, order the incumbent officials and clerks from each subprefecture, prefecture, and district to proceed to the capital in succession for a court audience.
There have been many times when I have read or heard people say that the Ming burned books to destroy “Vietnamese culture.” That was not the case. The concept of “Vietnamese culture” was one that was not in the minds of the Ming emperor or his military officials.
Instead, they targeted a certain type of texts. As we can see, Buddhist and Daoist texts were spared. So, what does that leave us with?
It leaves us with Confucian texts, even Confucian texts for children who were just learning to read and write. The reference to “His Excellency, Qiu 2 6” (Shang da ren, Qiu yi ji 上大人，丘乙己) is a reference to the opening line of a Confucian children’s primer. “Qiu” refers to Confucius, and scholars have debated what the “2 6” indicates, however, what all agree is that it was a very rudimentary text that introduced children to characters and was perhaps the first such text that they ever encountered (and copies of it have been found among the Dunhuang texts).
Why destroy Confucian texts and not Buddhist or Daoist ones? Because as I have pointed out in previous posts, the Confucian tradition was the foundation of Vietnamese states, such as the Lý and the Trần and the short-lived Hồ Dynasty. It gave legitimacy and meaning to those dynasties.
However, from the Chinese perspective, the use of the Confucian tradition in Vietnam exceeded what was acceptable. For instance, while there was only supposed to be one “emperor” (the Chinese emperor), as we saw in a previous post, scholars who took the civil service exam in 1304 in Vietnam had to compose poetry, infused with Confucian ideas and norms about their own “emperor.”
THAT is what the Ming wanted destroyed, because THAT is what was dangerous to them. Buddhist monks roaming the forests and Daoist masters praying for rain were not a threat, and “Vietnamese culture” was not even a concept in anyone’s minds.
It’s what the Vietnamese rulers and elite were using Confucian ideas for that was the “problem.”
However, to rid Vietnam of Confucian knowledge, the Ming emperor wanted to do more than destroy books. Instead, he also wanted to remove from Vietnam the people who possessed that knowledge.
The scholars who have argued that the Ming occupation period was a time when Confucian ideas were imported into Vietnam have overlooked one key development of that time period, and that is that the Ming occupation transformed Vietnam from an imperial center into a peripheral province.
Educated Vietnamese under the Ming were expected to serve the Ming empire, like the scholars in all of the other regions of that empire, and this could mean being sent to the capital to study, or appointed to a different location in the empire to serve as an official.
The Documents from the Yue Mountains provide interesting insights into this issue. While at first the Ming emperor ordered that Vietnamese officials who were willing to collaborate to come to the capital and then return to take office, he then opened the door for them to be appointed elsewhere.
For instance, on 12 September 1406 (永樂四年八月一日), the Yongle Emperor sent “Eighteen Issues Concerning the Attack” (Tao shi shiba jian 討事十八件) to Zhu Neng. They included the following:
[2/32b] 一安南官吏，察其有可付托，留在彼鎮守者，先發四五十人來朝與官職賞賜，即令其回，然後 [22/33a] 將其餘應起來之人，盡數發來朝見。
For the officials of An Nam, investigate to see which are trustworthy and leave them where they are to govern. Then first dispatch forty or fifty men to the capital to be granted official positions and rewards. Then have them return. After that, dispatch to the court for an audience all of the remaining men who should be mobilized.
Then on 16 February 1407 (永樂五年正月初九日), the Yongle Emperor wrote to his top officials and, among other topics and mentioned the following:
[2/39a] . . . 凡安南官吏來歸降者，即陸續遣之來 [2/39b] 朝聼朕面諭給與，即信俾還管事，如或事勢未可，又在隨宜處置，不可執一，故勑。
All An Nam officials who come to surrender, send them in succession here to the court to listen to my imperial instructions and to receive gifts. If they are deemed trustworthy, they can return to govern affairs. If the situation is not yet stable, they can be posted wherever is deemed fit. Do not stick to just one course. Thus, I command.
The Yongle Emperor then repeated these orders again and again, without specifying where exactly these men would be appointed to work.
17 March 1407 (永樂五年二月八日)
[2/42a] 安南境内有懷才抱德賢能智謀之人，及有一善可稱，一藝可用者，即廣為詢訪，盡數以禮敦請起，送赴京以備擢用，故勑。
In the territory of An Nam, search far and wide for men who harbor talent and uphold virtue, are able to strategize, and those with a good point that can be praised or a good skill that can be put to use, and kindly recommended them, and then send them to the capital to await assignment. Thus, I command.
26 May 1407 (永樂五年四月十九日)
[2/47a] 但有秀才智謀及懷才抱德之士，隨其多寡，即以敦遣差人送京來以備擢用，故勑。
All those who have passed the district level exam [xiucai 秀才] and can strategize, as well as scholars who harbor talent and embrace the [correct] way, kindly dispatch someone to deliver them here to the capital to await assignment. Thus, I command.
Apparently by 26 June 1407 (永樂五年五月二十一日), no such officials had arrived at the court, and the Yongle sent an angry communication to his generals.
In October of 1407, the Yongle Emperor issued a more detailed version of the same order.
29 October 1407 (永樂五年九月二十九日)
[2/58b] 前者，命爾等用心訪求但有懷才抱德，山林隱逸，明經能文，博學有才，賢良方正，孝悌力田，聰明正直，廉能幹濟，練達吏事，精通書算，明習兵法，武藝智謀，客貌魁偉，語言利便，齊力勇敢，陰陽術數，醫藥方脉，誦經僧道，及挺身自拔者，以禮起送赴京，以備擢用。
至今未見一人來者，夫朝廷用人何間遠近，況交趾平定，正欲得以任庶職，不可使有遺才也。勑至爾等更宜十分用心廣爲訪求，以禮起送前來副朕拳拳之懷，故諭。
Previously, I ordered you to diligently search for those who harbor talent and uphold virtue, those who have retired to the mountains and forests, those who are proficient in the classics and skilled in writing, broadly educated and talented, virtuous and upright, filial to family and dedicated to farming, intelligent and honest, incorruptible and competent, experienced in administrative affairs, proficient in writing and arithmetic, well-versed in military strategies, skilled in martial arts and strategy, distinguished in appearance and stature, articulate, strong and brave, experts yin-yang divination, knowledgeable in medicine and diagnosis, monks and Taoists who recite scriptures, and those who stand out on their own merit, and to send them to the capital with respect, to be potentially promoted and utilized.
Up to now, I have not seen a single person arrive. How can the imperial court discriminate between those near and far when employing men? What is more, now that Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi has been pacified, it is imperative to utilize talents for various posts without leaving any potential untapped. Upon receiving this command, you must diligently and extensively search for such individuals, and send them forth with respect to fulfill my sincere wishes. Thus, I command.
From these comments, it would appear that the Yongle Emperor’s orders were not being carried out. However, these statements indicating that officials had not arrived at the Ming capital stop after the above communication. I think that we can assume that men did start to arrive somewhere around this time.
Meanwhile, the Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư also contains a record about this issue. It dates from 1407 and states that:
明人以山林隐逸，𢙇才抱德，聰明正直，挺身自拔，明經能文，博學有才，練達吏事，能曉書筭，言語利便，孝悌力田，相貌魁偉，脊力勇敢，慣習海道，磚巧香匠等科，搜尋名人正身，陸續送金陵，授官回任府州縣。
稍有名稱者皆應之，惟裴應斗以眼疾辝，下齋學生李子構等數人隐不出而已。時有諺云：「欲活入隐林山，欲死吳朝做官。」 [9/6a-b]
Người Minh lùng tìm những người ẩn dật ở rừng núi, người có tài có đức, thông minh chính trực, giỏi giang xuất chúng, thông kinh giỏi văn, học rộng có tài, quen thuộc việc quan, chữ đẹp tính giỏi, nói năng hoạt bát, hiếu để lực điền, tướng mạo khôi ngô, khỏe mạnh dũng cảm, quen nghề đi biển, khéo các nghề nung gạch, làm hương… lục tục đưa dần bản thân họ về Kim Lăng, trao cho quan chức, rồi cho về nước làm quan phủ, châu, huyện. Những người có tiếng tăm một chút đều hưởng ứng.
Duy có Bùi Ứng Đẩu từ chối, lấy cớ đau mắt, bọn hạ trai học sinh Lý Tử Cấu [Hạ Trai là hiệu của Lý Tử Cấu. Xem LQĐ, KVTL 301] mấy người lui ẩn không chịu ra mà thôi. Bấy giờ có câu ngạn ngữ: “Muốn sống vào ẩn núi rừng, muốn chết làm quan triều Ngô.”
The Ming searched for upright and reputable people from the categories of those who retired to the mountains and forests, harbored talent and upheld virtue, were intelligent and honest, stood out on their own merit, were proficient in the classics and skilled in writing, were broadly educated and talented, were experienced in administrative affairs, were conversant in writing and arithmetic, were articulate, were filial to family and dedicated to farming, were distinguished in appearance and stature, were familiar with sea routes, were brick or incense artisans, and successively sent them to Jinling [the Ming capital], to be appointed and return to take office in the prefectures, subprefectures, and districts.
All of those with somewhat of a reputation responded to this call. Only Bùi Ứng Đẩu, declined, citing an eye ailment. There were only a few others, like the student Lý Tử Cấu, who chose to remain hidden and did not come forth. There was a saying at the time: “If you want to live, hide away in the forested mountains; if you wish to die, serve as an official for the Ngô Dynasty.”
I will discuss this saying below, but what I will point out first is the comment that “all of those with somewhat of a reputation responded” to the Ming recruitment call. This information must have been included in the Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư when this section was compiled in the mid-fifteenth century, that is, in the years following the Ming occupation. As such, it is likely that whoever wrote this information was aware that many men had actually responded to the call to serve the Ming.
As we will see below, there is a record in the Documents from the Yue Mountains that indicates that thousands of Vietnamese artisans arrived at the Ming capital. However, there do not appear to be records that show large numbers of scholars or scholar-officials submitting to the Ming at the same time or arriving in the capital at the same time. Nonetheless, there is evidence of smaller numbers doing so over time.
For instance, in the Veritable Records of the Ming, there are references to the arrival of both captured and surrendered officials, such as a record from 1408 about the arrival around the month of June at the capital of officials who had surrendered to Zhang Fu (交阯率先歸附總兵官新城侯張輔承制悉授之官遣送至京故特陞之).
Some of these men were then indeed granted positions in Vietnam and returned there. One example is a man by the name of Cam Nhuận Tổ. This is what the Veritable Records of the Ming records about him:
31 October 1407 (太宗／永樂五年十月／1日)
永樂五年冬十月辛巳朔，以交阯所舉明經士人甘潤祖等十一人為諒江等府同知，賜敕慰勉，上復親製詩賜之。
In the winter of the fifth year of the Yongle era, on the new moon of the tenth lunar month on the Xinsi day, eleven scholars conversant in the classics including Cam Nhuận Tổ, who were recommended by Jiaozhi/Giao Chỉ, and who were appointed as vice prefects of Lương Giang and other [prefectures] were granted imperial decrees for encouragement and motivation. Furthermore, the emperor himself composed poems and bestowed them as gifts.
Many years later, in the eighteenth century, scholar-official Lê Quý Đôn wrote matter-of-factly about Cam Nhuận Tổ and other such men who had been recruited that they “all had political achievements,” meaning that they had successful careers serving the Ming (成祖命蒐訪交趾文人，擢知府縣，如甘潤祖等，皆有政績。) [5/3a].
Then there is the following record about an official who collaborated with the Ming and requested to stay at the Ming capital.
7 April 1411 (太宗／永樂九年三月／15日)
陞交阯宣化府土官同知黃公剔為太源府知府，公剔上言：交阯去京師遠，士人之仕者，恒念不獲躬睹朝廷文物之盛，臣今來朝聖恩特加遷擢不勝慶幸，誠願効勞輦轂之下，以圖補報，從之命吏部移文交阯布政司，給路費廩，給遣其家属來完聚。
Aboriginal Official and Vice Prefect of Tuyên Hóa Prefecture in Jiaozhi/Giao Chỉ Hoàng Công Dịch was promoted to Prefect of Thái Nguyên Prefecture. Công Dịch submitted a statement saying “Jiaozhi/Giao Chỉ is far from the capital, and the scholars who serve there yearn without fulfillment, to personally witness the grandeur of the court and its cultural treasures. Your servant, having now come to court, is overwhelmed with joy at the divine benevolence of being specially promoted. I sincerely wish to exert myself in service beneath the imperial carriage to attempt to repay this kindness.”
Following this, the [the emperor] ordered the Ministry of Personnel to transmit documents to the Jiaozhi/Giao Chỉ Provincial Administration Commission to provide travel expenses and an allowance, and to dispatch his family to come so that they can all be together.
The term “aboriginal official” (thổ quan 土官) here does not mean that the person was a member of what we would today label an “ethnic minority group.” This was just the way that the Ming referred to people from An Nam.
Meanwhile, the expression here that I have translated as “imperial carriage” (liễn cốc 輦轂) can refer to either the capital or the emperor. In this case, it essentially referred to both, as Hoàng Công Dịch requested to stay at the Ming capital and serve the Yongle Emperor.
There must have been others who did this as well, or who were assigned by the Ming to work in China, because Lê Quý Đôn recorded information about the descendants of such men.
近代明景泰甲戌科進士黎庸，本國青威人；阮勤，輔翼人。天順庚辰科進士阮文英，慈山人；何廣，扶寧人。成化己丑科進士王京，嘉靖癸未科進士陳儒，並本國人。阮勤仕至工部右侍郎，陳儒仕至右都御史，文儒名迹，彰然可考。
蓋胡季犛末，張輔等搜索士人，悉送金陵，流寓北方，隨在附籍，至其兒孫，遂以文學進身。今見載於《堅瓠集》，有應山楊忠烈公漣，其四五世祖，我南國人，隨大軍北行，留（注）［住］應城。其後生公，登仕累官左副都御史，今舊宅猶存，子孫居之。南使每過應山，常邀入款待，蓋有懷舊思本之意。
康熙戊戌，兵部右侍郎阮公沆北使過此，楊公孫復邀入，歷敘世家，且言亦有別姓同時自安南來，今所居離城三十里，衣食頗足，子孫亦眾多，猶往來為通家云。
In recent times, in the exam in the Jiaxu year (1454) of the Ming Dynasty’s Jingtai era, presented scholar [tiến sĩ 進士] Lê Dung was from Thanh Oai in this kingdom and Nguyễn Cần was from Phụ Dực. In the exam in the Gengchen year (1460) of the Tianshun era, presented scholar Nguyễn Văn Anh was from Từ Sơn and Hà Quảng was from Phù Ninh. In the exam in the Jiachou year (1469) of the Chenghua era, presented scholar Vương Kinh, and in the exam in the Guiwei year (1523) of the Jiajing era, presented scholar Trần Nho were both from this kingdom. Nguyễn Cần served up to the position of Right Vice Minister of the Ministry of Works, and Trần Nho served up to the Right Censor-in-chief. Their literary and scholarly fame and records are clear and verifiable.
It seems that at the end of the Hồ Quý Ly period, Zhang Fu and others searched for scholars and sent them all to Nanjing; they wandered to the north, took local residence there, and their children and grandchildren then made names for themselves by their scholarship.
Now, as can be seen in the Hard Gourd Collection (Jianhu ji 堅瓠集) there is the example of Dương Liên [Yang Lian 楊漣], master Trung Liệt, from Yingshan [Hubei], whose ancestors from four or five generations ago were people from our Southern kingdom, and who followed the great army north and stayed in Ying City. He was born later, and rose through the ranks, becoming the Left Deputy Censor-in-chief. At present, their old residence still exists, and is inhabited by his descendants. Whenever Southern envoys pass through Yingshan, they are often invited to visit and are treated hospitably. This is probably because they have a sense of nostalgia and think of their origins.
In the Wuxu year (1718) of [Emperor] Kangxi’s [reign], Right Vice Minister of the Ministry of War Nguyễn Công Hãng passed this place while on a diplomatic mission to the North. Master Dương’s grandson again invited him to visit, and recounted the family history. He and mentioned that there were also others with a different surname who came from Annam at the same time, and who now lived thirty leagues from the city, with sufficient clothing and food, and many descendants, who still kept in contact and maintain friendly relations between the two families.
In addition to scholar-officials, there were also eunuchs who served the Ming (or boys who became eunuchs. . . and then served the Ming).
There is a section in the History of the Ming that is devoted to these men. This is what it says.
范弘、交阯人，初名安。永樂中，英國公張輔以交童之美秀者還，選為奄 [= 閹]，弘及王瑾、阮安、阮浪等與焉。占對嫻雅，成祖愛之，教令讀書，涉經史，善筆札，侍仁宗東宮。宣德初，為更名，累遷司禮太監，偕英受免死詔，又偕英及御用太監王瑾同賜銀記。正統時，英宗眷弘，嘗目之曰蓬萊吉士。十四年從征，歿於土木，喪歸，葬香山永安寺，弘建也。而王瑾至景泰時始卒。
Phạm Hoằng was from Jiaozhi/Giao Chỉ and was originally named An. During the Yongle era (1403-1425), Duke of Yingguo Zhang Fu returned with attractive and outstanding Jiao/Giao boys, whom he had chosen as eunuchs. Hoằng and Wang Jin, Nguyễn An, and Nguyễn Lãng were among them. His refined and elegant manner of responding won the affection of Emperor Chengzu [the Yongle Emperor], who ordered him to read and become familiar with the classics and history. He became adept at writing official documents and served in the Eastern Palace under Emperor Renzong.
At the beginning of the Xuande era (1426-1436), his name was changed and he was promoted successively, eventually becoming the Superintendent Eunuch of the Imperial Ceremonies. Together with [another eunuch named] Ying, he received an imperial decree exempting him from death, and they, along with the Imperial Eunuch Wang Jin, were all awarded silver tokens.
During the Zhengtong era (1436-1450), Emperor Yingzong was fond of Hoằng and once looked at him and called him the “fortunate gentleman from Penglai.” In the fourteenth year [of Emperor Yingzong’s reign], he followed the emperor on a military campaign and died at Tumu. His remains were returned and buried at the Yong’an Temple on Fragrant Hills, which Hoằng had built. As for Wang Jin, he lived until the Jingtai era (1450-1457) and then passed away.
瑾，初名陳蕪。宣宗為皇太孫時，朝夕給事。及即位，賜姓名。從征漢王高煦還，參預四方兵事，賞賚累巨萬，數賜銀記曰「忠肝義膽」，曰「金貂貴客」，曰「忠誠自勵」，曰「心跡雙清」。又賜以兩宮人，官其養子王椿。其受寵眷，英、弘莫逮也。
Jin, was originally named Trần Vũ. When Xuanzong was still the crown prince, [Trần Vũ] served him day and night. After ascending the throne, [Xuanzong] granted him a surname and given name. After returning from a military campaign against Prince of Han [Zhu] Gaoxu, he was involved in military affairs on all fronts and was awarded a massive fortune. He was repeatedly given silver tokens with inscriptions that said “loyal to the liver and righteous to the gall,” “golden aide and respected guest,” “self-motivated by loyalty and sincerity,” and “a heart and footsteps that are both pure.” Additionally, he was granted two palace maids and officially took on an adopted son, Wang Chun. His favor and closeness to the emperor were unmatched by either [Jin] Ying [another eunuch mentioned earlier in the text] or Hoằng.
阮安有巧思，奉成祖命營北京城池宮殿及百司府廨，目量意營，悉中規制，工部奉行而已。正統時，重建三殿，治楊村河，並有功。景泰中，治張秋河，道卒，囊無十金。
Nguyễn An was ingenious and was ordered by [Emperor] Chengzu to manage the construction of the city walls, moats, palaces, and the buildings of various government departments in Beijing. He planned and executed the work with precision according to the established standards, and the Ministry of Works carried out his plans. During the Zhengtong era, he had accomplishments in reconstructing the Three Palaces and managing of the Yangcun River. In the Jingtai period, while managing the Zhangqiu River, he died on the road, and it was found that he did not have even ten gold pieces in his possession.
阮浪至景帝時，為御用監少監。英宗居南宮，浪入侍，賜鍍金繡袋及鍍金刀。浪以贈門下皇城使王瑤。錦衣衞指揮盧忠者，險人也，見瑤袋刀異常製，醉瑤而竊之，以告尚衣監高平。平令校尉李善上變，言浪傳上皇命，以袋刀結瑤謀復位。景帝下浪、瑤詔獄，忠證之，浪、瑤皆磔死，詞終不及上皇。英宗復辟，磔忠及平，而贈浪太監。
During the reign of Jingdi (1449-1457), Nguyễn Lãng served as the Vice Director of the Directorate for Imperial Accouterments. When Emperor Yingzong resided in the Southern Palace, Lãng attended him and was bestowed with a gold-plated embroidered pouch and a gold-plated knife, which Lãng in turn gifted to Wang Yao, the Headquarters Clerk of the Imperial City.
Lu Zhong, Commander of the Imperial Bodyguard and a man of dubious character, noticed that Yao’s pouch and knife were of extraordinary make. He got Yao drunk, stole the items, and then informed Gao Ping of the Directorate for the Imperial Wardrobe. Ping ordered the Provost Marshal Li Shan to report to the court a plot by stating that Lãng was transmitting orders from the honorary emperor (Shanghuang 上皇) to Yao, using the pouch and knife [as tokens] to conspire to restore the retired emperor.
Jingdi had Lãng and Yao thrown into prison and [Lu] Zhong provided testimony. Lãng and Yao were both executed by dismemberment, though their words never reached the honorary emperor. When Emperor Yingzong returned to power, he had Lu Zhong and Gao Ping executed by dismemberment, and [posthumously] granted Lãng with the title of Palace Eunuch.
Oh my! I think a great movie could be made about Vietnamese eunuchs at the Ming court!!
I don’t have time to go into details here, but the above information demonstrates that these men took part in some significant events, from assisting with the construction of the imperial city in Beijing to taking part in military campaigns.
While Phạm Hoằng, Trần Vũ, and Nguyễn An all enjoyed successful careers, Nguyễn Lãng’s career did not end well. That leads us to another issue.
The Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư said that at the time the Ming were recruiting scholars in Vietnam in 1407 there was a saying that went “If you want to live, hide away in the forested mountains; if you wish to die, serve as an official for the Ngô Dynasty.”
I doubt that this saying dates from 1407. First, the term, “Ngô,” a derogatory name for the Chinese, does not seem to have come into use until Lê Lợi began fighting the Ming several years later.
Second, the passage where this saying appears, states that “all of those with somewhat of a reputation responded” to the Ming recruitment call. So, it doesn’t make sense that this saying was in circulation at that time.
My guess is that this is a saying that appeared later, when Lê Lợi was fighting the Ming, and the reason why people would die if they served the Ming was because Lê Lợi and his followers would kill them for doing so.
And yes, that of course happened. And there were undoubtedly scholars on Lê Lợi’s side who were killed by the Ming and their Vietnamese collaborators. And there were undoubtedly Vietnamese scholars who were killed by Ming soldiers when they first invaded.
In other words, in addition to the (probably many) scholars who relocated to China in these years, there were also many who died in Vietnam.
Finally, there were still others who went to China at the end of the conflict, such as a certain Trần Đinh 陳汀. Trần Đinh served the Ming but was then captured by Lê Lợi’s forces and was ordered to serve as a border guard. Instead of doing so, Trần Đinh attempted to take 90 members of his family across the border, but they were caught, and only Trần Đinh managed to cross the border to Guangxi and was then sent to the Ming capital.
There, the Ming emperor reportedly made the following comments:
24 Sep 1428 (宣宗／宣德三年八月／16日)
上謂尚書張本曰，其人久在行伍效勞力，又能舍賊歸朝，誠悃可嘉，宜有超擢其以為指揮僉事於錦衣衛支俸，令禮部依交阯土官居京師例。
The emperor said to Minister Zhang Ben, “This man has long served diligently in the army, and was also able to abandon the rebels and return to the court. Such sincerity is commendable. It is appropriate that he be promoted multiple grades to Assistant Commander of the Imperial Bodyguard and provided with a salary. Order the Ministry of Rites follow the precedent for Jiaozhi/Giao Chỉ aboriginal officials residing in the capital.”
From this account, we can see that there was some kind of policy in place for allowing officials from Vietnam to reside in the Ming capital. I have not found any information about how many such people there were, however, when one considers all of the above information, it appears that the number may have been significant.
Meanwhile, another group of Vietnamese who resided in the Ming capital consisted of students. The Ming set up schools and selected the best students from those schools to go to the capital for further study. These young men were known as “tribute students” (cống sinh 貢生), and the Veritable Records of the Ming contains a couple of entries about them.
18 March 1417 (永樂十五年三月一日)
交阯北江等府州縣，選貢生員鄧得等至京，命送國子監進學，賜賫如雲南生例，初上既平交阯，即命郡縣建學，教養生徒，至是始選貢焉。
Đặng Đắc and others who were selected by Bắc Giang and other prefectures, subprefectures, and districts in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi arrived at the capital. They were ordered to enter the Imperial Academy for study and were granted stipends as per the practices for students from Yunnan. At first, after Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi had been pacified, schools were ordered to be built in the commanderies and district to educate students. Now at this point, the first tribute students were selected.
2 August 1425 (洪熙元年七月下／19日)
交阯各府州縣儒學選貢生員王憲等八十二人至京師。上諭行在禮部尚書呂震等曰，交阯距京師萬里，遠離親戚而來，須是教養得宜，彼方樂學可望其成材，爾與學官宜知朕此意，其衣服歲賜一如雲南之例。
Vương Hiến and 82 others who were selected by the Confucian schools [Nho học 儒學] in each prefecture, subprefecture, and district in Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi arrived at the capital.
The emperor issued an edict to the serving Minister of the Ministry of Rites, Lü Zhen, and others, saying, “Jiaozhi is ten thousand miles away from the capital. Those who come from such a distance, leaving their relatives behind, must have been well-educated. Seeing that people from that region are enthusiastic about learning, we can look forward to their development. You and the educational officials should be aware of my intentions regarding this. Their clothing and annual allowances should be granted according to the precedent for Yunnan.”
In other words, while the Ming did set up some schools, it would be difficult to make the case that this led to an increase in Confucian knowledge because the best students from those schools were sent away to the Ming capital.
Further, it is hard to know what they studied as it looks like many books were indeed destroyed.
On 26 June 1407, the same day that the Yongle Emperor first complained that none of the people he had ordered to the capital had arrived yet, he expressed a similar frustration about the burning of books.
This is what he wrote:
屢嘗論爾，凡安南所有一切書板文字，以至俚俗童蒙所習，如上大人，丘乙己之類，片紙隻字，及彼處自立碑刻，見者即毀壞，勿存。今聞軍中所得文字，不即令軍人焚毀，必檢視然後焚之，且軍人多不識字，若一一令其如此，必致傳遞遺失者多。爾今一如前勑，號令軍中，但過彼處所有一應文字，即便焚毀，毋得存留。 [2/51b]
I have mentioned numerous times that every book and piece of writing in An Nam, even the type of “His Excellency, Qiu 2 6” text that ordinary children practice, every piece of paper and word, as well as the stone inscriptions in that area that they have erected themselves, when found, should be immediately destroyed, and nothing should be preserved.
Now I hear that the texts obtained by the army are not immediately burned by the soldiers. Instead, they are inspected first before being burned. Many soldiers are illiterate. If each of them is tasked with this, many texts will inevitably fall through the cracks. Proceed following the previous command. Order the army to immediately burn any texts they come across in that region. Do not preserve anything.
Ultimately, we do not know what was destroyed, but we can assume that the Ming officers and their troops followed the emperor’s orders.
Finally, there was yet one more group that we know left Vietnam, and that group did so in large numbers: artisans and people with other forms of skilled knowledge.
In the first year of the invasion, Emperor Yongle issued repeated orders to his officers in Vietnam to recruits artisans and other people with skilled knowledge and to send them to the capital. This information is recorded in the Documents from the Yue Mountains.
12 September 1406 (永樂四年八月一日)
一平定安南之後，但有各色官吏僧道，醫巫卜 [2/32a] 筮，陰陽術數之人，盡遣發來朝，此最緊要。
一諸色技藝之人匠，盡數搜素連家小數盡起赴來京。 [2/31b]
After pacifying An Nam, all types of officials, monks, Daoist masters, healers, diviners, and specialists in yin-yang prophesies, must all be sent here to the capital. This is of the utmost importance.
The artisans of various skills must all be searched for, and, together with their wives and children, recommended to proceed here to the capital.
16 February 1407 (永樂五年正月初九日)
一做香匠磚匠，不問高手低手，盡數連家小先發赴京。其餘一應技藝人匠，陸續連家小，先發將來。 [2/39b-40a]
Incense makers and brick builders, regardless of their level of expertise, send them first, together with their wives and children, to the capital. As for the remaining skilled artisans, send them here in succession with their wives and children.
24 June 1407 (永樂五年五月十九日)
[2/51b] 一交趾但有醫巫卜筮，樂工行院，及香匠甎匠，諸色工匠技藝人等，盡數連家小赴京，有身材長大者，能使銳者，能修合銳葯者，善駕船，諳曉海道者，及諸色捕户，連家小送來。
All healers, diviners, musicians, actors, incense makers, brick workers, and the various types of skilled artisans from Jiaozhi/Giao Chỉ, together with their wives and children, must proceed to the capital. Those who are tall and have a good physique, those who can wield weapons, those skilled in preparing sharp weapons, those proficient in sailing, those familiar with sea routes, as well as various types of hunters, should be sent here together with their wives and children.
After issuing several orders, the Yongle Emperor eventually was informed that a healer was on his way. The emperor then communicated the following information to Zhang Fu:
26 June 1407 (永樂五年五月二十一日)
[2/50b] 交阯醫者，鄒洞玄，並其從，即皆以禮遣送赴京，沿途給與口糧脚力，仍發落伴送人，途中用心溫存其來，毋違勑。
For the healer from Giao Chỉ/Jiaozhi, Trâu Động Huyền, and those accompanying him, they should all be respectfully sent to the capital. Along the way, provide them with food and travel expenses, and also assign accompanying personnel. During the journey, take good care of them and ensure they arrive safely. Do not violate this command.
This gentleman’s name, Trâu Động Huyền 鄒洞玄, has a definite Daoist feel to it, as his given name means something like “grotto darkness” and both of those words are common in Daoist terms and names.
While the Yongle Emperor was undoubtedly pleased that this man was heading to the capital, on this same day he sent an order to his officials in Vietnam in which he indicated his frustration that the other types of people he had ordered to the capital had not yet arrived, and he did so again in October of 1407.
However, that same month, the Veritable Records of the Ming records that 7,700 artisans arrived at the capital (癸酉交阯總兵官新城侯張輔，遣送交阯諸色工匠，七千七百人至京).
I have only made an initial attempt to look for evidence of other workers arriving at the capital, but I found that in 1413, more than 130 artisans arrived with their wives and children, and that they were provided with food, lodging, and medical attention for those who were ailing (乙巳交阯工匠百三十餘人以妻子至京，命所司給鈔米衣服居室病與醫藥).
Again, the Veritable Records of the Ming only contains selected information. Therefore, it is likely that many more artisans were sent to the Ming capital, before then being sent off to places like Beijing to work on the construction of the imperial city.
When you take all of this together, I think that it is extremely difficult to argue that the Ming occupation period was a “watershed” moment that saw the introduction into Vietnam of Confucian ideas and knowledge about bureaucratic government.
To the contrary, I think we have much stronger evidence to make the opposite argument, namely, that this was a time of a “Confucian brain drain.”
Even more than that, however, it was a “brain drain” of all of the knowledge necessary for an imperial center, from the knowledge of Confucian scholars to the knowledge of artisans.
Nonetheless, a kingdom did emerge after this period that was clearly Confucian and that had all of the elements of an imperial center rather than of a provincial periphery. Its emperor and officials wore robes like those of their Ming counterparts. They carried out rituals at the Ancestral Temple and the Altar of Soil and Grain, they tested scholars on their knowledge of the Confucian classics, etc.
The Ming clearly did not introduce that into Vietnam. . . Just the opposite. It is clear that they wanted to remove from Vietnam any knowledge or expertise that could lead to the establishment of a separate Confucian state.
So where did that knowledge come from?
Maybe Hồ Quý Ly’s capital in Thanh Hóa with its Ancestral Temple and Altar of Soil and Grain and Confucian exams had something to do with that. . . ?
Or the same institutions and practices in the capitals of the earlier Lý and Trần dynasties?
Such connections are not apparent if one reads the extant historical scholarship in English, but they are completely obvious if one reads the historical sources.
This Post Has 5 Comments
Who does the term Ngô refer to here? Not the Ming i suppose, considering that the Ngô in Đại cáo bình Ngô most certainly did not refer to the Ming. Yet, within context of the passage from Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư, Ngô dynasty can only be understood as the Ming.
Something feels a bit contradictory here… Who were the Ngô?
Nevermind, i didn’t finish the article before commenting.
Hi Prof. Kelly. Along with the related blogposts in the past, your recent posts are very informative and much appreciated, especially to me. However, I still feel that more evidences from other sources are necessary to make a stronger case. I mean, I could imagine some counter-arguments (that I don’t actually subscribe to) against DVSKTT, such as the official publishing year of that document was too far away from the events, or it had been written in a heavily Confucian historical period and by heavily Confucian scholars. Also, some may even argue those at-least-badly-sourced narratives about the Ly-Tran-Ho period are not just highlighted by Western authors but also bolstered by modern Vietnamese historians (let alone some premodern literari could have already written about the “moral and religious depravity” of some Ly-Tran kings as indeed they had haven some inclinations to Buddhism and Taoism). On the other hand, I don’t think a well-read modern Vietnamese can deny the “feeling” of “not-so-much Confucianism” from the earliest dynasties. And I’m genuinely not sure what one should attribute that feeling to: historical propaganda? or even folk culture?
I don’t quite understand what feeling it is that you are implying at by saying “I don’t think a well-read modern Vietnamese can deny the “feeling” of “not-so-much Confucianism”, considering that most thing we know about the Lý and Trần were drawn directly from DVSKTT. If the Lý and Trần were indeed not Confucian, then did the author of DVSKTT deliberately write about the Lý and Trần in a way that present them in a “no-so-influenced-by-Confucianism” ? Why exactly would they do so?
Thank you for your comment, and sorry for the slow reponse.
I am going to try to write some blog posts to address the issues you mention here, because there are various things that contribute to the way people think today.
Here is the gist, but again, I’ll try to explain more later.
1) The information in the Dai Viet su ky toan thu is not “equal.” It was compiled during the Le, and sources were available for that period, but sources for earlier periods were more limited. Also, Ngo Si Lien criticized things in the Ly and Tran, but not the Le. Was this because everything was ok during the Le? No. It’s because he worked for the Le. So this created the sense that the Ly and Tran was different from the Le, but a lot of that sense comes from the difference in the sources and the fact that Ngo Si Lien did not criticize his own dynasty.
2) Premodern scholars like Phan Huy Chu generally felt that if there was no information about something in the DVSKTT, that maybe/problably it didn’t exist. So, this also created the sense that there was a development of Confucianism over time, however, again, the sources change over time. The one period in the DVSKTT when there were sources available (and the capital was not burned by the Cham or some rebel or the Chinese) was during the first century of Le rule. So, yes, that looks like a “Confucian golden age,” but it’s really just a “historical sources were available golden age.”
3) The Western scholars who started to work on Vietnamese history starting in the 1960s did so from the perspective of “Southeast Asia” and they tried to counter colonial-era scholarship by showing that Vietnam had not been “influenced” by the outside, meaning China. If you read the things I’ve been posting about though, it should be clear that there were major problems with that scholarship. However, it gives the sense that the Ly and Tran were “Buddhist” and that there was no significant Confucianism until the Le.
4) Vietnamese scholars have also had an interest in arguing that Vietnam was not influenced by China. So you have the same arguments in the writings of Vietnamese historians, albeit for different reasons.
5) Because of #3 and #4, historians have not looked at the Ly Dynasty from the perspective of East Asia. Yes, there was royal patronage of Buddhism during the Ly and Tran. If you don’t know about the rest of East Asia, then you might think, “Oh, wow, Vietnam was different. It was more Buddhist.” However, if you do know about East Asian history, then it becomes clear that Ly Dynasty Vietnam was a very typical East Asian polity that had a state cult that was focused on Heaven (a Confucian concern), and that Buddhism and Daoism and local spirits played a secondary role in supporting the state through specific activities. That’s what I try to show here: https://leminhkhai.blog/the-east-asian-context-of-ly-dynasty-buddhism/
So, hopefully this gives you an idea of why I’m saying the things I’m saying, but I will try to explain all of this in more detail soon. Thanks again for the comment, and sorry again for the delay.